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WILLIAMSBURG, Va. (AP) — Keller Boothby's 16 points helped William & Mary defeat Navy 82-76 on Sunday. Read this article for free: Already have an account? To continue reading, please subscribe: * WILLIAMSBURG, Va. (AP) — Keller Boothby's 16 points helped William & Mary defeat Navy 82-76 on Sunday. Read unlimited articles for free today: Already have an account? WILLIAMSBURG, Va. (AP) — Keller Boothby’s 16 points helped William & Mary defeat Navy 82-76 on Sunday. Boothby went 6 of 8 from the field (4 for 6 from 3-point range) for the Tribe (6-7). Gabe Dorsey scored 16 points and added three steals. Noah Collier went 7 of 9 from the field to finish with 14 points, while adding seven rebounds. Austin Benigni finished with 16 points for the Midshipmen (3-10). Jinwoo Kim added 15 points for Navy. Donovan Draper had 14 points and seven rebounds. The loss was the Midshipmen’s sixth in a row. Collier scored 10 points in the first half for William & Mary, who led 41-33 at the break. William & Mary took the lead for good with 3:03 left in the second half on a layup from Dorsey to make it a 73-71 game. ___ The Associated Press created this story using technology provided by Data Skrive and data from Sportradar. Advertisement

Broncos can wipe away back-to-back heartbreakers and make playoffs by beating Kansas CityThe weather was at the forefront of the minds of both managers after Burnley missed the chance to go top of the Championship with a 1-1 draw at home to Middlesbrough. The Clarets needed a fine 37th-minute equaliser from Connor Roberts to cancel out Anfernee Dijksteel’s early strike for Boro as rain and wind, the precursor of Storm Darragh to come, battered Turf Moor and played its part in a match which could have gone either way between two promotion hopefuls. Boro boss Michael Carrick, having started his press conference by asking if anyone had a towel handy, said the conditions had been key to Roberts’ 25-yard strike, which seemed to catch out goalkeeper Seny Dieng as it looped over him. Burnley had been behind on the scoreboard but on top in the game without finding a way past Dieng, but Roberts’ decision to shoot from range did the trick. “Maybe it caught us by surprise,” Carrick said. “I think all the defending was in the box or around the box, and we closed the spaces over a period of time, so was a bit of a surprise. I suppose we put it down to the weather.” Burnley could have gone above Sheffield United if they had made it five straight wins with victory here, but after conceding for the first time in 501 minutes they had to settle for a point. Again, Scott Parker could point to the weather in analysing the game. “I thought we were well worth three points tonight,” he said. “The conditions definitely played a large factory in tonight’s game for both teams really. You could see that in the flight of the ball and the winds and the rain. They were tough conditions.” Boro’s 13th-minute opener was a poor one from Burnley’s perspective. Dijksteel had charged forward from his right-back position, and after laying the ball up managed to slip away from Bashir Humphreys to have a clear run at goal when played in by Dan Barlaser. It was a surprising lapse from a side who had kept five clean sheets in a row, and 12 in the league this season. “They scored a goal against the run of play and that was probably down to us a little bit,” Parker said. “Certainly it’s something we need to look at in that we gifted that a little bit in terms of the way we positioned ourselves. “As a coach you’re always looking at certain moments and seeing the learning from it. This is the first time the team has conceded in a long time so it’s what sort of reaction we got. I got a reaction from a group of men that was nothing short of superb.” Roberts was at the centre of that. Whether wind-assisted or not, his goal lifted Burnley and the Wales right-back was at the heart of so many good Burnley moves as he got forward regularly. “Connor Roberts is an international player who has been around this for some time, he brings large parts of his experience and also his quality,” Parker said. “As he has been for the majority of this season, he was very good tonight.” This article was generated from an automated news agency feed without modifications to text.Q&A: AI is Big Business... Can Small Businesses Compete?

Original MLS clubs LA Galaxy, NY Red Bulls cap their amazing turnarounds with showdown for MLS CupIreland blamed Northern Ireland Office for ‘damaging leaks’, records showMount Washington Observatory unveils new project to expand weather monitoring across NH

In a significant diplomatic engagement at Mar-a-Lago, US President-elect Donald Trump met with Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau to delve into pressing issues like trade, tariffs, and border security. Trump, through social media, labeled the meeting as 'productive,' acknowledging Trudeau's efforts to tackle shared challenges. However, key disputes between the US and Canada remain unresolved. Discussing Fentanyl, illegal immigration, and trade imbalances, Trump emphasized the US's commitment to combating the drug crisis, underscoring cooperation with Canada on these critical matters. (With inputs from agencies.)NEW ORLEANS (AP) — New Orleans tight end Taysom Hill is likely to miss the rest of the season after injuring his knee in the Saints' loss to the Los Angeles Rams. “It looks like an ACL tear,” interim coach Darren Rizzi said Monday. “He’ll probably get a second opinion, but it looks like it will be season-ending.” Hill, who is listed at tight end but plays a variety of roles, was carted off the field after taking a hard hit to his left knee while converting a fourth down on a direct snap in the Saints’ 21-14 loss Sunday to the Rams. The injury came one game after he'd posted a career-best 138 yards rushing and scored three touchdowns in a victory over Cleveland. He also has lined up at quarterback and running back, as well as playing special teams. “It means everybody else has to step up,” Rizzi said. “He fills so many roles, so there are going to be a lot of different guys that have to be a part of the solution there. It’s hard to sit here and tell you we are going to replace Taysom. You can’t. He’s a phenomenal person, player, leader and captain. It’s a big loss." Hill is the third key offensive player the Saints have lost. He joins leading wide receivers Chris Olave, who suffered a concussion in Week 9 and has not played since, and Rashid Shaheed, who is out for the year after tearing a meniscus in Week 7. Rizzi said guard Nick Saldiveri also might miss the remaining five games after injuring his left knee in the fourth quarter one series before Hill. Without Hill, though, the Saints’ quest to get back in the NFC South race became even tougher. At 4-8, they trail Atlanta and Tampa Bay by two games. Hill has 99 catches, 437 carries, 302 passes, 44 touchdowns, 19 tackles and one blocked kick in seven years with the Saints. “I don’t know if I can compare Taysom to anybody else that I’ve ever coached,” Rizzi said. “There’s not a guy that comes to mind that has been able to do all the different things he’s been able to do just in one game, forget about his career." What's working Alvin Kamara had his third 100-yard rushing game of the year and is 106 yards away from the first 1,000-yard season of his eight-year career. He needs only 39 more yards to set a career high. His 206 carries are the third most in his career. What needs help Los Angeles averaged 5.4 yards per carry, finishing with 156 yards. Rams running back Kyren Williams said they knew at halftime they would win if they stuck to the ground game, and he carried seven times on the opening series of the third quarter as they took the lead. The Saints have allowed 5.1 yards per carry for the season — tied for last with the New York Giants. Stock up Signed in late October after Shaheed’s season-ending surgery, Marquez Valdes-Scantling has become Derek Carr’s go-to receiver for big plays. His 28-yard touchdown catch in the fourth quarter was the Saints’ longest gain of the day and his fourth score in the past three games. Stock down Tight end Foster Moreau, a reliable performer all year, could not handle Rams outside linebacker Jared Verse on the Saints’ final offensive snap, allowing him to hit Carr as he released a pass on fourth-and-3 from the Los Angeles 9 with New Orleans trailing by 7. Injuries Although the news was bad for Hill and Saldiveri, Rizzi said he expected starting center Erik McCoy to play Sunday against the Giants. McCoy was scratched against the Rams after aggravating a groin injury two weeks earlier versus Cleveland in his first game back since missing seven in a row. Rizzi said oft-injured running back Kendre Miller, who has played in two games this year, might return from a hamstring injury Sunday. Key number 2 — The number of sacks for the Saints, not enough to keep Rams quarterback Matthew Stafford from finding his rhythm in the second half. In the Rams’ last five losses, he has been sacked 20 times. In their last five wins, he has been sacked three times. Next steps With their NFC South hopes on life support, the Saints travel to face the reeling Giants, who have lost seven in a row. ___ AP NFL: https://apnews.com/hub/nfl Guerry Smith, The Associated Press

If there was one thing No. 14 Gonzaga failed to do in nonconference play, it was learn how to finish. And the Bulldogs may not get many chances to play close games in West Coast Conference play, which they'll open Monday against Pepperdine in Malibu, Calif. Sure, the Bulldogs (9-4) trounced then-No. 8 Baylor 101-63 and then-No. 14 Indiana 89-73. But they also lost in overtime to West Virginia (86-78) and No. 4 Kentucky (90-89), dropped a 77-71 decision to two-time defending NCAA champion UConn at Madison Square Garden and are coming off a 65-62 defeat to No. 22 UCLA on Saturday. "Obviously we feel like we've been in a bunch of close games that we felt like we should have won all of them," said Gonzaga point guard Ryan Nembhard, who had 16 points and eight assists against a Bruins defense that is one of the best in the country. "We've got to close out these games and learn to win these close games." Graham Ike led the Bulldogs with 24 points as they rallied from an 11-point deficit and led for most of the final 12 1/2 minutes before stumbling. It didn't help Gonzaga that guard Khalif Battle, who is tied for third on the team with 11.8 points per game, was ejected with 4:13 remaining in the first half for a Flagrant-2 foul against UCLA's Eric Dailey Jr. "We're playing a great schedule and great teams," Gonzaga coach Mark Few said. "And you're in position to win and in college basketball, you hope you can make a play, make a shot and get a stop at the end." Ike leads Gonzaga with 16.2 points and 6.7 rebounds per game. Nembhard averages 12.1 points per game and leads the country with 10.0 assists per game. The Bulldogs have won 47 consecutive games against Pepperdine (6-8, 0-1 WCC) dating to Jan. 18, 2002. It's the third-longest run against an opponent in NCAA Division I history and the longest active streak. The Waves have won four of their past six games, but are coming off a 91-80 loss Saturday at Santa Clara to open their conference slate. Stefan Todorovic led the Waves with 25 points, three rebounds, four assists and a steal. Todorovic tops the WCC with 19.7 points per game. Dovydas Butka added 16 points with eight rebounds and three assists and Moe Odum contributed 14 points, six rebounds, nine assists and two steals. Odum is third nationally with 105 assists, with Gonzaga's Nembhard (130) the leader in that category. "The system that Coach (Ed) Schilling puts us in opens the (court) for everybody," Todorovic said. "Not just me, we can be a threat at all positions on the floor." Schilling is in his first season with the Waves after 13 years as an assistant at UMass, Memphis, UCLA, Indiana and, most recently, Grand Canyon. He also spent 1997-2003 as the head coach of Wright State. Schilling replaced Lorenzo Romar at Pepperdine. --Field Level MediaHunter Biden Pardon Risks Undermining Democrats' MessagingPLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter's in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter's path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That's a very narrow way of assessing them," Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn't suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he'd be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter's tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter's lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor's race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama's segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival's endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King's daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters' early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan's presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan's Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.

‘You don’t do that’ – Michael Strahan rips into Azeez Al-Shaair for ugly hit on Trevor Lawrence as linebacker breaks silence

NEW YORK (AP) — U.S. stocks rose to records Tuesday after Donald Trump’s latest talk about tariffs created only some ripples on Wall Street, even if they could roil the global economy were they to take effect. The S&P 500 climbed 0.6% to top the all-time high it set a couple weeks ago. The Dow Jones Industrial Average added 123 points, or 0.3%, to its own record set the day before, while the Nasdaq composite gained 0.6% as Microsoft and Big Tech led the way. Stock markets abroad mostly fell after President-elect Trump said he plans to impose sweeping new tariffs on Mexico, Canada and China once he takes office. But the movements were mostly modest. Stock indexes were down 0.1% in Shanghai and nearly flat in Hong Kong, while Canada’s main index edged down by less than 0.1%. Trump has often praised the use of tariffs , but investors are weighing whether his latest threat will actually become policy or is just an opening point for negotiations. For now, the market seems to be taking it more as the latter. The consequences otherwise for markets and the global economy could be painful. Unless the United States can prepare alternatives for the autos, energy products and other goods that come from Mexico, Canada and China, such tariffs would raise the price of imported items all at once and make households poorer, according to Carl Weinberg and Rubeela Farooqi, economists at High Frequency Economics. They would also hurt profit margins for U.S. companies, while raising the threat of retaliatory tariffs by other countries. And unlike tariffs in Trump’s first term, his latest proposal would affect products across the board. General Motors sank 9%, and Ford Motor fell 2.6% because both import automobiles from Mexico. Constellation Brands, which sells Modelo and other Mexican beer brands in the United States, dropped 3.3%. The value of the Mexican peso fell 1.8% against the U.S. dollar. Beyond the pain such tariffs would cause U.S. households and businesses, they could also push the Federal Reserve to slow or even halt its cuts to interest rates. The Fed had just begun easing its main interest rate from a two-decade high a couple months ago to offer support for the job market . While lower interest rates can boost the economy, they can also offer more fuel for inflation. “Many” officials at the Fed’s last meeting earlier this month said they should lower rates gradually, according to minutes of the meeting released Tuesday afternoon. The talk about tariffs overshadowed another mixed set of profit reports from U.S. retailers that answered few questions about how much more shoppers can keep spending. They’ll need to stay resilient after helping the economy avoid a recession, despite the high interest rates imposed by the Fed to get inflation under control. A report on Tuesday from the Conference Board said confidence among U.S. consumers improved in November, but not by as much as economists expected. Kohl’s tumbled 17% after its results for the latest quarter fell short of analysts’ expectations. CEO Tom Kingsbury said sales remain soft for apparel and footwear. A day earlier, Kingsbury said he plans to step down as CEO in January. Ashley Buchanan, CEO of Michaels and a retail veteran, will replace him. Best Buy fell 4.9% after likewise falling short of analysts’ expectations. Dick’s Sporting Goods topped forecasts for the latest quarter thanks to a strong back-to-school season, but its stock lost an early gain to fall 1.4%. Still, more stocks rose in the S&P 500 than fell. J.M. Smucker had one of the biggest gains and climbed 5.7% after topping analysts’ expectations for the latest quarter. CEO Mark Smucker credited strength for its Uncrustables, Meow Mix, Café Bustelo and Jif brands. Big Tech stocks also helped prop up U.S. indexes. Gains of 3.2% for Amazon and 2.2% for Microsoft were the two strongest forces lifting the S&P 500. All told, the S&P 500 rose 34.26 points to 6,021.63. The Dow gained 123.74 to 44,860.31, and the Nasdaq composite climbed 119.46 to 19,174.30. In the bond market, Treasury yields held relatively steady following their big drop from a day before driven by relief following Trump’s pick for Treasury secretary. The yield on the 10-year Treasury inched up to 4.29% from 4.28% late Monday, but it’s still well below the 4.41% level where it ended last week. In the crypto market, bitcoin continued to pull back after topping $99,000 for the first time late last week. It’s since dipped back toward $91,000, according to CoinDesk. It’s a sharp turnaround from the bonanza that initially took over the crypto market following Trump’s election. That boom had also appeared to have spilled into some corners of the stock market. Strategists at Barclays Capital pointed to stocks of unprofitable companies, along with other areas that can be caught up in bursts of optimism by smaller-pocketed “retail” investors. AP Business Writer Elaine Kurtenbach contributed. Copyright 2024 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed without permission. Get the latest local business news delivered FREE to your inbox weekly.

PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter's in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter's path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That's a very narrow way of assessing them," Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn't suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he'd be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter's tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter's lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor's race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama's segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival's endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King's daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters' early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan's presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan's Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.As Auxerre prepares for a daunting encounter with Paris Saint-Germain (PSG) this Friday, Gideon Mensah is full of confidence, believing his team can pull off an upset despite facing the reigning Ligue 1 champions. The match poses a significant challenge for Christophe Pélissier’s side, who will host PSG at Stade de l’Abbé Deschamps. While PSG remains unbeaten in the league, Auxerre has been enjoying a solid run of form, including a five-match unbeaten streak—four of which were wins. This momentum has seen them rise into the top half of the table. However, a recent defeat to Toulouse has left Auxerre eager to bounce back. “We had a good run of five games without defeat, and then we took our first loss last weekend, which was disappointing for us,” Mensah shared in an interview with Flashscore, facilitated by Ligue 1. “But at the end of the day, we know it’s a long season, so there will be ups and downs. Losses like this remind us that we need to stay focused because anything can happen during the season.” While PSG has been in dominant form, going 13 league games unbeaten, recent performances have shown signs of vulnerability. The French giants suffered a loss to Bayern Munich followed by a draw against Nantes, and Mensah sees this as an opportunity. “I’m very confident against PSG. Most of my motivation comes from playing against top teams. I know it will be a good game for both myself and the team. These matches push us to perform better,” he said. Auxerre’s home form has been a key strength this season. With 15 points from six home games, they boast the second-best home record in Ligue 1, trailing PSG by just four points. Mensah attributes this strong home form to the passionate support of their fans. “Since our promotion to Ligue 1 two seasons ago, playing at home with our supporters has always been our strength. We rarely fear any opponent at home because even if we struggle physically, the fans will push us,” he noted. Auxerre fans will remember their recent encounters with PSG, including a tough 5-0 defeat in Paris two seasons ago. However, their home game against PSG that season was a much closer 2-1 loss, showing that they can compete on their home turf. “Two seasons ago, we lost 5-0 in Paris, which was tough because they were clearly the better side. However, our home game was much closer with a 2-1 loss, showing we have what it takes to compete at home,” Mensah recalled. On a personal note, Mensah has faced PSG four times in Ligue 1 without securing a victory and is determined to change that. “I want to end every negative streak in my career,” he said. “I enjoyed our five-game unbeaten run; winning against bigger clubs feels incredible. Losing again to PSG is not something I’m looking forward to.” Auxerre will also be counting on the continued form of Hamid Traore, who has been in excellent shape since joining the team on loan from Bournemouth. Traore has scored six goals this season, with five of those helping to secure points for the team. “Hamid Traore has been one of our standout players this season. He’s scored crucial goals that have helped us earn points. We need players like him to step up and make a difference,” Mensah remarked. With 19 points from 13 Ligue 1 matches, Auxerre is looking to set higher ambitions, though Mensah remains focused on their primary goal: staying in the league next season. “Our goal is still the same: we need to remain in Ligue 1,” Mensah emphasized. “It doesn’t matter how we achieve it—whether we finish third, fourth, or fifth—as long as we stay up.” The upcoming clash with PSG will be a true test for Auxerre, and a chance for manager Christophe Pélissier to improve his record against the Parisians, having won just once in his previous 12 encounters with them.